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Opinion

Factional conflict defines Middle East 

Sousan Hammad
Opinion Columnist

As sectarian violence increases in Lebanon and Iraq and factional infighting between Hamas and Fatah in Palestine becomes deadly, the blind adherence to so-called patriotism has prevented the people involved from objectively assessing the political situation.

None of these countries has a properly functioning government. Either they are beholden to a particular segment of their constituencies, or they serve the interests of a foreign element. The conscious effort of Western powers to delineate the borders of these nations across ethnic boundaries has produced some of the region's most violent conflicts. 

The British in Iraq and Palestine and the French in Lebanon knew the difficulties that would arise in forming governments and creating nationalistic unity when such varying groups would be lumped together and forced to recognize themselves as "Iraqi" or "Lebanese." The conflicts we see in these countries were manufactured by design.

Ever since Hezbollah called for the toppling of the Lebanese government of Fouad Siniora, there have been strikes, rallies and death in the streets of Beirut. The last Lebanese civil war ended in 1989, and in 2007, we are at the beginning of another horrific civil war -- a sectarian war between Lebanese Christians, Druze, Sunnis and Shiites. Varying Christian groups have experienced fighting as well as infighting within the various Shia groups.

Almost 100 people are dying every day in Baghdad and other cities throughout Iraq. These may be numbers that may only linger in one's thoughts for a second or two, but this rate of daily death for almost four years elevates the crisis to horrific levels. However, for these "non-people," there is no casket, no funeral, no death certificate and no real grave -- just another number.

In Palestine, the Gaza Strip has been reduced to the largest virtual prison in the world. While Israel claims to have unilaterally withdrawn from the territory, the facts on the ground provide insight into the true nature of the "withdrawal."

Those in Gaza Strip are cut off from any arable land and have no access to clean water. Their leaders are unable to move freely without the express consent of the Israelis, who routinely deny these requests. While Hamas, the elected government in power, does not want to recognize Israel exists, they nonetheless represent the consent of the governed, who feel their right to choose their own destiny has been stolen from them by an illegal occupation. 

The Fatah party, after losing its power in verifiably legitimate elections, now insists it must be included in forming a national unity government so the people can be rejuvenated with basic human rights, at the behest of the West and Israel. 

What is common among these three countries is not just the fact that they are all under siege but that the people of Iraq, Lebanon and Palestine share the confusion of what nationalism truly is. Adding to the confusion is that these nations grew out of tribal societies that valued loyalty to one's clan. The fact that foreign occupiers have grouped them into nations by imaginary lines in the sand less than a century ago means it will take some time to foment true nationalistic spirit.

The great theorist Emmanuel Joseph Sieyes said that a nation is "a body of associates living under one common law and represented by the same legislature," implying that people need an exclusive government to be considered a nation.

Nationalism is a product of European thought over the last 150 years and only became a force in the Middle East much later. In the 19th century, it was considered a democratic, leftist movement. It was also a progressive movement in the colonial and semi-colonial world, when it embodied the struggle of a national bourgeoisie against imperialism.

Nationalistic identity is a process that people must undergo themselves. It cannot be forced upon them. Until the extremism we see emanating from loyalty to one's sect or clan is overshadowed by loyalty to one's country, we will continue to see violence and easy manipulation of internal affairs by foreign influences in the Middle East.

Hammad, a communication junior, 
can be reached via dccampus@mail.uh.edu